{"id":1717,"date":"2026-05-20T04:20:00","date_gmt":"2026-05-20T03:20:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.yzz.me\/?p=1717"},"modified":"2026-05-21T18:55:33","modified_gmt":"2026-05-21T16:55:33","slug":"hasbara-megbuktatva-neokhon-megdobbento-adat-kerult-napvilagra-arrol-hogy-mit-szeretne-a-gazai-lakosok-80-a","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/hasbara-megbuktatva-neokhon-megdobbento-adat-kerult-napvilagra-arrol-hogy-mit-szeretne-a-gazai-lakosok-80-a\/","title":{"rendered":"HASBARA EXPOSED: Neokhon\u2014Shocking data has come to light about what 80% of Gaza\u2019s residents want"},"content":{"rendered":"

Original article: IRead more here<\/a>.<\/p>\n

An analysis of the article in question from the perspective of *hasbara* (Israeli public diplomacy\/communications) can be presented through the following key points. The goal of *hasbara* is generally to explain the Israeli position, shape the narrative, and improve or defend Israel\u2019s international image.<\/p>\n

Here is an analysis of the article based on these aspects:<\/p>\n

### 1. Narrative construction: \u201eThe Palestinians want freedom\u201d<\/p>\n

The article\u2019s central claim\u2014that 80% of Gazans want to emigrate\u2014reinforces a classic *hasbara* narrative: it suggests that the frustration of the Gazan population is directed not against Israel, but against Hamas rule.<\/p>\n

* **Hamas's responsibility:**<\/p>\n

The article directly links the intention to emigrate to Hamas\u2019s \u201eintransigence\u201d (its rejection of the disarmament conditions), thereby holding the terrorist organization responsible for the humanitarian crisis and the population\u2019s despair.<\/p>\n

* **The \u201ecivilian population vs. Hamas\u201d dichotomy:**<\/p>\n

The article draws a sharp distinction between Gaza\u2019s civilians and Hamas. It portrays civilians as victims and Hamas as the oppressor, which reduces the sense of collective responsibility toward the Palestinian population among the international public.<\/p>\n

### 2. Emphasizing Israel\u2019s \u201ehumanitarian\u201d image<\/p>\n

The article devotes considerable space to the activities of COGAT (the Israeli authority responsible for the Palestinian territories), which is one of the main components of *hasbara*: demonstrating that Israel is doing everything in its power to alleviate the humanitarian crisis.<\/p>\n

* **Use of statistics:** References to 30,000 truckloads of aid, 440 tons of medical supplies, and the evacuation of patients paint a picture of efficiency and goodwill.<\/p>\n

* **Proactive role:**<\/p>\n

The text portrays Israel as the only entity capable of and willing to organize the delivery of aid, even under wartime conditions.<\/p>\n

### 3. The Trump Plan and the Legitimacy of the \u201ePostwar Settlement\u201d<\/p>\n

The article refers to the \u201eplan presented by Donald Trump,\u201d which is a key element of the narrative.<\/p>\n

* The text suggests that there is a constructive way out of the conflict that enjoys international support, but that it is being blocked solely by Hamas\u2019s intransigence. This casts Israel in the role of the \u201ebuilder\u201d and Hamas in the role of the \u201edestroyer,\u201d which makes it easier to justify Israeli military action.<\/p>\n

### 4. Source Management and Authenticity<\/p>\n

* **Official sources:**<\/p>\n

The article relies exclusively on Israeli sources or sources with Israeli ties (COGAT, an Israeli security official, The Jerusalem Post). This ensures the coherence of the narrative, but at the same time reflects the specific, \u201einside-out\u201d perspective of *hasbara*.<\/p>\n

* **\u201eCautious\u201d framing:**<\/p>\n

The comment made by the security official quoted in the article (\u201eit is possible that some respondents did not fully understand the question\u201d) serves as a kind of \u201esafety valve\u201d: it preempts potential critical interpretations that might cast doubt on the survey\u2019s representativeness or the interpretation of the results.<\/p>\n

### Summary:<\/p>\n

This article is an excellent example of the *hasbara* methodology:<\/p>\n

1. **Shifts moral responsibility:** It blames Hamas for the suffering.
\n2. **Humanizes:** It portrays Israel as an organizer of aid and the evacuation of the civilian population.
\n3. **Outlines a vision for the future:** He uses the population\u2019s \u201edesire to leave\u201d as an argument in favor of postwar settlement and the current military pressure.<\/p>\n

For the target audience (who essentially expect a pro-Israel narrative), the text reinforces the message that Israel is waging only a defensive war forced upon it by Hamas, while also acting in the interests of Palestinian civilians.<\/p>\n

When assessing the reliability of the figures presented in the article, several factors must be taken into account, as data from war zones are, by their very nature, difficult to verify and often serve political purposes.<\/p>\n

Here is a critical analysis of the reliability of the figures:<\/p>\n

### 1. Source: COGAT<\/p>\n

The article cites **COGAT** (Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories\u2014the Israeli government body responsible for the Palestinian territories) as the source of the data.<\/p>\n

COGAT is an official Israeli military body that manages its own logistical and administrative data.<\/p>\n

* **Distortion risk:**<\/p>\n

Since COGAT is part of the Israeli Ministry of Defense, the \u201esurveys\u201d they publish are not independent research, but rather tools designed to serve the Israeli government\u2019s political and strategic objectives (in this case, to justify population displacement and war aims).<\/p>\n

### 2. The issue of the \u201e80% intention to emigrate\u201d<\/p>\n

This is the most controversial piece of information in the article.<\/p>\n

* **Methodological shortcomings:**<\/p>\n

The article does not provide details on the survey\u2019s methodology (e.g., the size of the sample, how the population was surveyed, or who conducted the fieldwork). In an active war zone, where the population fears pollsters due to the presence of the Israeli army, the credibility of the responses is highly questionable.<\/p>\n

* **The narrative of \u201evoluntary\u201d emigration:**<\/p>\n

The 80% data is politically very convenient for the Israeli leadership, as it reinforces the concept of \u201evoluntary migration\u201d , which is treated differently under international law than forced displacement. We have already seen this narrative in the case of the Nakba.<\/p>\n

* **Self-reflection in the article:**<\/p>\n

The article itself acknowledges this uncertainty: *\u201eIt is possible that some respondents did not fully understand the question or were unwilling to express their opinions openly.\u201d* This is a professional \u201eloophole\u201d that indicates that officials are also aware of the questionable accuracy of the data.<\/p>\n

### 3. Logistics data (trucks, aid)<\/p>\n

Figures such as \u201e30,000 truckloads of aid\u201d or \u201e440 tons of medical supplies\u201d are easier to verify and more objective than opinion poll data.<\/p>\n

* **Verifiability:** This data can be cross-checked against reports from the United Nations (e.g., OCHA) or the aid organizations themselves.<\/p>\n

* **Context:** Although the figures may be accurate in and of themselves, from a *hasbara* perspective, the emphasis is on the fact that Israel is the *organizer and provider* of aid. Humanitarian organizations often paint a contrasting or more nuanced picture, pointing to logistical, security, or bureaucratic obstacles that hinder access\u2014obstacles that are sometimes created by the Israeli side itself.<\/p>\n

### 4. Summary Evaluation<\/p>\n

The figures cited in the article should be treated as **\u201econtextual truths\u201d**:<\/p>\n

1. **Logistical data (aid):** While this data likely reflects reality, it only shows the figures from the \u201ereceiving\u201d side, not to mention whether the quantity is sufficient to meet the needs.<\/p>\n

Reports from international aid organizations and the United Nations (based on data from May 2026) clearly show that the aid reaching the Gaza Strip **is far from sufficient** to meet the basic needs of the population.<\/p>\n

The severity of the situation is determined by the following factors:<\/p>\n

### 1. Logistical and security constraints<\/p>\n

In addition to the amount of aid, effectiveness is the biggest problem:<\/p>\n

**Permeability:**<\/p>\n

According to data from the UN Logistics Cluster, during the first 11 days of May 2026, only half of the aid trucks arriving from Egypt were able to unload their cargo at the crossings controlled by Israel.<\/p>\n

* **Technical obstacles:**<\/p>\n

There is a severe shortage of spare parts (motor oil, generator parts, vehicle parts). Since much of the critical infrastructure (water treatment plants, hospital generators, debris removal equipment) has failed, the distribution of aid and the maintenance of basic public utilities (water, electricity) are faltering.<\/p>\n

### 2. Lack of basic necessities<\/p>\n

The situation of the population remains critical:<\/p>\n

* **Water and sanitation:** About 60% of families struggle to access enough clean water. Although aid organizations are working to tap into alternative sources, water needs are far from being met.<\/p>\n

* **Food and Livelihood:** The cost of living remains at **282%** of its pre-war level, making food unaffordable for the majority of the population. Although food shipments are arriving, their composition is often inadequate; a significant portion of the shipments (nearly 40% according to data from early May) consists not of staple foods but of other consumer goods (e.g., sweets, coffee).<\/p>\n

**Healthcare:** The capacity of hospitals and healthcare facilities is a fraction of what is needed: as of the end of April 2026, only 23 of the 683 healthcare facilities were fully operational.<\/p>\n

### 3. Structural Problems<\/p>\n

Reports from humanitarian organizations (such as OCHA) emphasize that delivering aid is merely \u201etreating the symptoms.\u201d The root of the problem lies in the destruction of infrastructure, ongoing displacement, and restrictions on movement, which prevent families in Gaza from being able to meet their basic needs on their own.<\/p>\n

**Summary:**<\/p>\n

International organizations unanimously agree that the current delivery of aid cannot be considered sufficient. Due to a shortage of spare parts, limited crossing capacity, and infrastructure in ruins, the humanitarian aid system is unable to counteract the collapsed economic and social conditions. Funding is also at a critical level: in 2026, less than 10% of the necessary resources will be available.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The poll data (80%):<\/p>\n

They cannot be regarded as independent social science data of scholarly value. Rather, they should be interpreted as tools of political communication intended to legitimize postwar reconstruction plans.<\/p>\n

The figures are not necessarily false, but their interpretation fits strictly within the Israeli government\u2019s narrative and lacks the critical context that an independent international news agency or research institute would provide.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Eredeti cikk: Itt olvashat\u00f3. A megadott cikk elemz\u00e9se a *hasbara* (izraeli k\u00f6zdiplom\u00e1ciai\/kommunik\u00e1ci\u00f3s tev\u00e9kenys\u00e9g) szempontj\u00e1b\u00f3l az al\u00e1bbi f\u0151bb pontokon kereszt\u00fcl mutathat\u00f3 be. A *hasbara* c\u00e9lja \u00e1ltal\u00e1ban az izraeli \u00e1ll\u00e1spont magyar\u00e1zata, a narrat\u00edva form\u00e1l\u00e1sa \u00e9s Izrael nemzetk\u00f6zi meg\u00edt\u00e9l\u00e9s\u00e9nek jav\u00edt\u00e1sa vagy v\u00e9delme. \u00cdme a cikk elemz\u00e9se ezen aspektusok alapj\u00e1n: ### 1. Narrat\u00edvaform\u00e1l\u00e1s: \u201eA palesztinok szabaduln\u00e1nak\u201d A cikk k\u00f6zponti […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1743,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"rs_blank_template":"","rs_page_bg_color":"","slide_template_v7":"","_lmt_disableupdate":"","_lmt_disable":"","_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"wpai_generated_summary":"","tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[17,25],"tags":[158,100,96,153,155,154,156],"class_list":["post-1717","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-hasbara-magyarorszagon","category-hasbara-megdonese","tag-gazdasag","tag-hasbara","tag-izrael","tag-kozel-kelet","tag-mediaelemzes","tag-nemzetkozi-kapcsolatok","tag-vilagpolitika"],"modified_by":"Antipropaganda H\u00edrblog","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1717","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1717"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1717\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1743"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1717"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1717"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/antipropaganda.hu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1717"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}